Showing posts with label racial diversity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label racial diversity. Show all posts

Saturday, May 3, 2008

Pease: “Still the Invisible People” Ch 8: Would You Want Your Kid Doing This?

“Still the Invisible People”
Job Satisfaction of Minority Journalists at U.S. Daily Newspapers
By Edward C. Pease (©1991)

Doctoral Dissertation
E.W Scripps School of Journalism
Ohio University • Athens, Ohio

CHAPTER 8—Would You Want Your Kids Doing This Job?

Journalism is fun. It’s exciting. It seductively powerful. It’s ego-gratifying. And, as J-school teachers tell students, it’s an excuse to mind other people’s business.

At an early 1990 meeting on retaining minority journalists held at the Poynter Institute for Media Studies, an Asian American reporter for Reuters News Service was talking about her 18-year-old daughter, who recently had entered college. Like many freshmen, her daughter was shiny and excited with her new experiences; she thought she wanted to go into journalism. The Reuters reporter sighed. She was terribly ambivalent about the prospect of her daughter entering journalism, she said; it’s an awfully tough business, and if she herself had it to do over, she wasn’t sure she would.

Perhaps the ultimate test of anyone’s judgment of a thing is whether they would recommend it to someone they love. Would you want your parents or your kids or your sister to partake of this or experiment with that? Answering “Yes” is an ultimate vote of confidence. Which parts of your own life would you really recommend to your children – Your college? Your first marriage? Where you live? The car you drive? Your profession?

Based on the comments of that Reuters writer in Florida, this survey asked newspaper journalists to vote on their profession. The question asked, “Would you want your child to go into newspaper journalism as a career?” and then asked respondents to explain their answers. If those who work in a profession are its best ambassadors, these responses may give some indication of why the newspaper business is having trouble finding new recruits. From these responses, newspapers looking for fresh, smart talent should bolt the doors and not let their newsroom employees out of the building.

Some respondents said they had no kids; others wrote they didn’t want any kids. Still others checked neither yes nor no, writing instead that the decision would be entirely their child’s, which were coded as a “yes.”

Despite the enthusiasm for the profession they expressed in a 90 percent satisfaction rating (see Table 24), newspaper journalists are just as ambivalent on this question as that Reuters correspondent in St. Petersburg. Only half say they’d want their children to follow them into the newspaper business. Like the Reuters reporter, journalists at American newspapers waffle when asked to recommend the profession to their children. And there are only small differences by race: About 56 percent of white journalists and 51 percent of minority journalists say they’d want their kids to go into newspaper journalism careers. Respondents to the summer 1990 survey of California Latino journalists in both print and broadcast also demonstrated ambivalence on this question: About half answered “Maybe” when asked if they would want their child to become a journalist; 34 percent said yes.1

In this study, however, newspaper journalists weren’t given the “maybe” way out, expressing their ambivalence in a tie. If the 54 percent-to-46 percent results on this question were election totals, we could call this 8 percent plurality a near-landslide victory for the newspaper profession, but as a career recommendation, such ambivalence indicates the newspaper profession a sorry loser among those who practice it.

Those who say they would want their kids in the newspaper business offer some predictable and genuine reasons why. The newspaper supporters fall generally into two camps: The Good-Timers, those who think newspaper work is “as much fun as you can have with your clothes on. And get paid for,” as a white female reporter from Missouri wrote; and the Altruists, those who think newspapering is important work necessary for the democracy – “Journalism offers an opportunity for work that makes the world better,” as a black religion writer from California said.

Those who say they would not want their children to pursue newspaper careers also fall generally into two groups. One group is the Burnouts, those who cite stress, long hours, lack of advancement, poor salaries and strain on family as unbearable. This white male Southern reporter with 18 years in the business is representative: “This business destroys families. Satisfying, well-paid jobs are few, competition is backbreaking, management is insensitive, hours are long and stress is high.” The other nay-sayers are the Doomsters, who see newspapers dying off within a generation because of declining readership, the impact of electronic news media, corporatization and newspapers’ failure to adapt to a changing society. The words “dying,” “decline,” “failing,” “dwindling,” “doom” and “extinction” run through these journalists’ comments: “Will there be newspapers in 25 years?” an African American woman from Cleveland asked succinctly. “It’s a dying business!” wrote a white male reporter from California who, after 10 years in the business and a graduate degree, says he’s unlikely to be in the newsroom in five years. “Being a newspaper reporter is like being a cowboy on a dinosaur ranch,” he said.

For minority journalists, the question assumes additional aspects. Wrote a black man reporter in his late 30s, “Unless you’re a white male, there’s no point. Your ideas are not respected and multiculturalism is a farce. Perhaps, as newspapering’s ivory (I emphasize the color ivory) tower sinks farther into irrelevance to U.S. society, this will change, but probably too late to save newspapers.”

Broken down along gender lines, race lines and circulation lines, newspaper journalism is only a marginal winner at best in this straw poll, as Tables 51 and 52 indicate. Women overall, largely on the optimism of white women, are more supportive than men of the idea of their children pursuing newspaper careers, but only slightly, as Table 51 shows. White women are strongest on the question, nearly 63 percent answering yes; among women, Latinos are least enamored of the idea, nearly 52 percent saying they would not want their kids in newspapers. But Asian American men are the most negative about having their children follow in their footsteps – almost 57 percent said they would not want their children to pursue newspaper careers. Other men are marginally supportive of their kids trying newspapers, with black and Hispanic men slightly more positive than whites.

The vote among minority journalists on this question improves somewhat as circulation levels increase, as Table 52 indicates. The 60 percent “No” vote by journalists of color at smaller newspapers is consistent with other findings of dissatisfaction at this level; that negativity decreases by about 14 percentage points among minorities at the largest papers in the sample, perhaps a function of better salaries and other working condition factors.

TABLE 51 here

White respondents basically are unchanged across circulation categories, with slightly more than half at newspapers of all sizes saying they would want their children to pursue newspaper journalism as a career.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 52: Would you want your child to go into newspaper journalism as a career? by race and circulation, in percentages

250,000- 100,000- 50,000-
500,000+ 500,000 250,000 100,000
W M W M W M W M All
Yes 55.3 53.9 57.3 54.8 54.1 47.2 56.5 40.0 54.1
No 44.7 46.1 42.7 45.2 45.9 52.8 43.5 60.0 45.9

N=1193; X2=7.103; d.f.=7; p=.5256 (NS); Missing = 135
________________________________________________________________________

Taken as a whole, the responses to this question are very troubling for the newspaper industry. Given human nature, it is perhaps not surprising that so many journalists in this survey voiced such great satisfaction with their choice of a career in newspapers (see Table 24); it would be difficult for anyone to confront the alternative, to say that his or her career had been a disappointing waste of time and energy. Further, despite the tendency of newsroom staffers to complain – “Journalists are professional kvetchers,” observes a white male West Coast feature writer in his 40s – it also is a human tendency to be as positive as possible about the situation in which one finds oneself.

Given those positive responses on the satisfaction scale, then, how should we interpret these responses, indicating so little support for the newspaper industry? Why would so many journalists who expressed such a high degree of personal satisfaction in their career choices switch to such negativity when asked whether they would recommend the field to their own children? Perhaps they think it’s too late for them to make a change. Or maybe they see only a few more good years in the profession before it slips quietly into inconsequence and is delivered to what one copy editor called the “graveyard for newspapers and other dinosaurs.” In any case, whether the nay-sayers base their advice to their children not to enter newspaper journalism on the profession’s poor working conditions or on its dismal future, the fact that nearly half of all newsroom rank-and-file vote no on this question sends a very scary message to the industry. If so many working newspaper people would tell those most important to them to pursue other fields, what message would they send to others in the society, to audiences in high school auditoriums, to candidates at job fairs, to strangers’ children?

Understanding why

Because so many of the 1,328 respondents to this survey took the time to explain their answers to the question regarding whether they’d want their children in newspapers, it is useful to review some of their open-ended comments. These statements offer some compelling insights into the morale, thought processes and priorities of those who populate American newspaper newsrooms. Their explanations of why they voted yes or no to this question tell much about how they feel about their profession, much more than the empirical results of responses to dichotomous questions or on five-point scales. These responses show where American journalists live, what’s important to them in their professional and personal lives as issues that most affect their work, how they evaluate newspaper performance and mission.

Some critics of newspaper industry efforts to “fix” shortcomings in coverage and content of all segments of society have suggested that simply hiring new troops will do little to alter performance if the troops remain powerless to effect change. For all newsroom professionals, as the discussions in this section illustrate, powerlessness is a central issue in their evaluation of whether they would recommend the profession to others. Many of these respondents took the opportunity in answering this whether they would want their children to follow them into the business to talk about their sense of powerlessness, of inability to control their lives.

THE YES VOTES

Anyone who’s taken a journalism history class or an intro to mass communication course knows the philosophical reasons for going into journalism. Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, the marketplace of ideas, the watchdog on government. Watergate, Woodward and Bernstein. John Paul Zenger, Joseph Pulitzer, Ida Tarbell and Edward R. Murrow. Surveillance of the environment, entertainment, information, commentary on society. With some self-righteousness, journalists tell themselves they go into journalism to do good, to help the little guy, to serve the community and to right wrongs. Further, anyone who’s been in a newsroom knows the other part of the attraction: Journalism is fun. It’s exciting. It seductively powerful. It’s ego-gratifying. And, as newswriting teachers tell students, it’s an excuse to mind other people’s business, a license to ask strangers questions about intimate or deeply personal parts of their lives, a chance to crusade for Good. It is an opportunity for people who love language to use their writing skills in a stimulating environment, to see their words and names in print and to perform a critical function in society under the moral imprimatur of the First Amendment. Journalists have plenty of reason to feel good about themselves, as those who said they support their children’s choice of a newspaper career explain. Those respondents break down into the Good-Timers and the Altruists.

The Good-Timers
“It’s as much fun than you can have with your clothes on.
And get paid for.”
White female reporter, late 30s
250,000 Midwestern metro

The profession traditionally has attracted free-thinkers, individualists, artists and poets. One senses that many of these are Good-Timers, journalists for whom newspaper work is fun and personally satisfying. For many, journalism was a way for new college graduates to apply their otherwise unmarketable BAs in English, art, political science or photography. These liberally educated college graduates discovered that newspapers would let them exercise the skills they loved while providing an alternative to being a starving poet or artist. Good-Timers enjoy their work mightily; they love language and ideas, they like people, they find writing and interviewing an excuse for being nosey and chasing gossip; they like knowing what’s going on in the world.

One African American former reporter-turned-educator says, “I know what I’d tell my son [who’s 2]: Newspapers are fun. They never really told me that at Indiana.”2 A journalism educator who exchanged the classroom for the newsroom after six years as a copy editor said, “I miss it. After three years in the classroom, I’ve gotten into the academic rhythm. I enjoy my teaching and my students benefit from my professional experience. But some days I wish I could read the wire again.”3

For these former journalists and those in this survey, the fun, excitement and challenge of newspaper journalism more than make up for its shortcomings. “It takes absolute dedication, and family life suffers,” wrote a white male sports editor from the West Coast, “but it’s satisfying, challenging and exciting. The pay isn’t what it should be, and the hours are hell on social and family considerations, but still, it’s a hell of a life. I enjoy going to work.”

A black female metro reporter working on the East Coast agreed that the profession’s pluses outweight its minuses. “I still think journalism can be fun, educational, challenging and rewarding,” she said. “It is one business in which people are paid to explore the world and have fun with words. Every business is going to have racism and sexism.”

“At its best,” a 45-year-old Asian features writer commented, “the newspaper business is exciting and provide a daily sense of accomplishment. I’m in it because I like to tell stories. I get paid to do what I like to do.”

“Many days I can’t believe I get paid to do this,” a Midwestern desk editor agreed. And a 29-year-old Latino reporter from Texas wrote, “Most journalists I know actually like their work. How many professionals can make a similar boast?” To which a New York copy editor supplied amplification: “It has its creative elements and satisfaction factor (e.g., my dentist says most dentists hate what they do).”

“It’s exciting, rewarding and something different happens every day,” a white female sports reporter said. Various others added: “Beats banking” or “Beats driving a truck. I think.” Said others, “Alternative to gangs or the Green Berets,” “Every day is different,” “fulfilling, exciting, life experiences” and “fun and socially useful.” “It’s never boring,” a white, 38-year-old female feature writer concluded.

Many respondents commented on the personal growth benefits of a newspaper career: “It’s a lifetime of exposure to fascinating aspects of life and affords one infinite opportunities for self-discovery,” a white women features writer wrote. A Northwest city hall reporter in her 30s agreed: “For 10 years, it’s been incredibly fulfilling for me. I’ve learned a lot, grown as a person and in my craft. I love it.”

“If my child chose journalism as a career, it would mean he or she has a love of language, a thirst for information and a working brain,” a Texas metro editor wrote. “It’s not mindless work.” A copy editor for a Midwestern metro agreed:

I believe journalists are intelligent, thoughtful, well educated and generally motivated by a sense of fairness. They think clearly and succinctly and make good conversationalists. Those are things I want for my child. And although I believe most journalists bring these qualities with them to start with, I really think journalism education and newspaper work develop them.

Many of the comments of the Good-Timers blur their border with the Altruists. For a great many reporters, after all, newspaper work is a license to do what you like to do and perform good works at the same time. For example, this Missouri reporter explained why he’d like his child in newspapers: “To help people, to right wrongs. And because journalism is a hell of a good time.”

“It’s many jobs in one: news coverage, education, a creative outlet, ‘do-gooder’ and still a sense of being able to change some small part of the world,” wrote a white female reporter in her late 30s from her paper in Tennessee. A black male sports desk editor with more than 10 years in the business agreed that this is an important part of what he would hope for for his children: “Because of what they could gain individually and be able to give back to society as a reporter/writer/ journalist.” And an Asian American reporter in the Northeast said, “On the right newspaper, journalism can offer a closeup view of current history. It’s an exciting, relevant profession and important for a free society.”

This combination of personal satisfaction and involvement in an institution critical to society makes journalism the best possible profession, many concluded, both fun and useful. “Reporting is honest, wonderfully creative work that forces people to be engaged in their world and communities,” a white reporter from the Pacific Northwest wrote. “It’s important stuff.” Others agree. “Few fields place an equal premium on truth, honesty and fairness,” a Pennsylvania metro reporter in his late 30s wrote. “The press is arguably the most important institution in a democracy.”

The Altruists

“This is one of the few career where you can still work your conscience.
Not many jobs offer that.”

Black male desk editor, 40s
East Coast

This was a common theme among the comments of those classified here as Altruists, people who cite journalism’s importance to society as the primary reason for wanting their children in the profession. “It’s a wonderful way to perform a public service while constantly learning new things,” a white Southern woman wrote. “Newspapers are extremely important to a free society.” Even so, after more than 10 years as a reporter, she said she’s leaving the business to go to law school.

“It’s a critical public service,” one respondent wrote. Said another, “I still consider it a noble profession,” to which another added, “despite the negatives.”

“This is one of the few career where you can still work your conscience. Not many jobs offer that,” a black desk editor wrote. “Still a battlefield for underdogs, justice.” A female Hispanic reporter for an Eastern metro added, “It’s intellectually challenging. You can expose injustice at times and sometimes make someone’s life better.”

Said a female features editor in her 40s, “If his talents and interests are suited to the profession, I would want him to pursue journalism because I want journalism in the hands of people who seek and tell truth, and he is such a kid.” On that same theme, the father of a 7-year-old boy wrote, “It’s an honest, socially useful profession, but needs more honest, ethical participants.”

Altruists also pointed to other values of newspaper journalism: “Few careers allow an individual to influence the local and national agenda,” said one black woman. Said others, “impact society,” “help people,” “public service,” “vital to society,” “make social change.”

Still others saw their children as soldiers in the fight to provide nonwhite perspectives in the news and to help empower minority communities. Wrote a Hispanic metro reporter from Washington, D.C., “It is critical that Latinos and other minorities increase their numbers in journalism.” An African American reporter from Austin, Texas, agreed: “Only rugged determination and sacrifice will improve the climate for minority journalists and only by increasing our numbers will we have foot soldiers to fight for change from within.”

An African American features editor in his 40s had a more personal reason for wanting his children to follow him into the profession: “I will need workers at my newspaper when I own it,” he said, “and we need many more minorities in the business.” And a black female copy editor from the South said her children could do a job that whites cannot: “I think it’s essential that minorities be represented on newspaper staffs and that they cover their own communities as well as other assignments,” she said. “They have an expertise that is unmatched by even the best white writer.”

Finally, echoing the charge of the Hutchins Commission regarding the press’s obligation to give voice to the concerns of representative groups in society, a Latino metro reporter in his mid-30s thoughtfully summed up what many others said about newspapers’ mission and responsibility in a diverse culture. He wrote,

I am a firm believer in public service. Moreover, if American journalism ever is to become an institution reflective of our increasingly diverse society, it must recruit more people of color. And if my child could help provide sensitivity and perspective to the white-male-dominated profession of journalism, then I would be all for her or his entry into the career, especially given the disgusting percentage of minority journalists in American.

THE NAY-SAYERS

The problems fall into two categories: 1. Working conditions – salary, long hours, high stress, feelings of lack of respect and wide-ranging unhappiness with management. 2. Fears that newspapers are dying.

Any industry that elicits a vote of no-confidence from its rank-and-file has to take some serious looks at its structure, procedures and premises. Nearly half of American journalists – 45.6 percent – say the costs outweigh the benefits; even given the potential personal and moral perks described above, they would steer their children into other professions. The problem areas? According to these 548 journalists who say they wouldn’t want their children in newspapers, the problems fall into two broad categories: 1.) working conditions – salary, long hours, high stress, feelings of lack of respect and autonomy, and wide-ranging unhappiness with the quality of newsroom management; and 2.) fears that newspapers are dying, that economic, social and industry changes place newspapers in their waning years as an American institution.

For convenience, let’s roughly categorize these in-house industry critics as the Burnouts and the Doomsters.

Complaints about stress, hours and salary are traditional and legion in the newsroom; those factors are one reason newspapering is known as a young person’s profession (see Table 6). Two-thirds of journalists who say they’d counsel their children not to join the industry cite these traditional working-condition complaints about newspapers. One journalism historian who spent about 15 years in the newsroom before making the switch to academia in his late 30s said he’ll never regret his time as a reporter and knows what he’d counsel his son about entering the business: “I’d tell him to do it for a while,” he said. “It’s great preparation for just about anything else. But I’d never go back. And I’d sure never want to grow old there.”4 Many current journalists feel the same. “I’m glad I pursued it,” said an African American reporter in Cleveland with 12 years’ experience, “but I wouldn’t recommend it.”

The other 37 percent of the nay-sayers – the Doomsters – cite more fundamental doubts about the industry as a whole as their reasons for not wanting their children to pursue newspaper careers. These 203 journalists say the industry is dying, or at least changing under economic pressures and corporate influences to such a degree that newspapers of the future will no longer perform those important functions that attracted them originally. For journalists who might once have Good-Timers, the remark of one white male reporter in his 40s – the age when most American journalists start thinking about career changes – is illustrative: “The profession is not idiosyncratic anymore,” he said. “Less room for eccentrics and oddballs. Less commitment to raising hell.” A white photographer in his 50s with more than 30 years in the profession agreed: “It’s no longer fun!” he said.

Beyond being less fun than it once was, these journalists said, newspaper prospects are dim. “Newspapers are a dying breed. In the next 20 years there will be few newspapers,” a 47-year-old white male features editor wrote. And, as another nail in the industry’s coffin, he added, “Americans are getting their news from TV.”

Perhaps most chilling about these responses of both the Burnouts and the Doomsters is that they come from the whole spectrum of newsroom employees. It cannot be said, for instance, that white male rank-and-file reporters in the early 30s with between five and eight years’ experience at two or three papers are most at risk; the nay-sayers’ club is open to everyone without regard for race, creed, experience level, gender or geography. The 548 journalists in this study who say they wouldn’t want their children to follow them into the industry are as diverse a group as people in newspaper newsrooms can be: about half white, half nonwhite; in their 20s to their 60s; working for both 50,000- circulation papers and 1 million-circulation giants; beginning reporters and seasoned veterans; women and men; Texans, Oregonians, Long Islanders, Illini and Floridians.

A closer examination of the nay-sayers’ open-ended comments on this question reveals a broad array of concerns.

The Burnouts

“If you get out before you’re 30 or 35, you can always get a real job later
– go to law school or something and then have a life.”

Black female newsroom manager, early 30s
East Coast 500,000+ metro

Most of those – 63 percent – who answered “no” to this question about their children’s future pointed to environmental conditions in newspapers or structural characteristics in the industry that, they say, make their day-to-day lives miserable. They might be described as Fallen Altruists or former Good-Timers who’ve allowed their dues to lapse. As much as these 345 journalists might love writing and thinking, being involved and making a difference – the elements that first drew them to newspapering – other factors have gotten to be too much to bear. They wouldn’t wish this on their kids, they say.

A Midwestern white female copy editor with almost 10 years in the business echoed the sentiments of that Reuters reporter in St. Petersburg confronted by her daughter’s enthusiasm for newspaper work. “I’m ambivalent,” she wrote. “This can be a hugely rewarding business at its best. Unfortunately, it hits that place less and less often.”

Others agree. “While I enjoy my job and am happy with my career, if I had to start over now I’d pick another field,” wrote a mid-30s white female features editor for a mid-sized Southern daily. “The newspaper business is changing. The emphasis is on short info bites and graphics. If there’s no room for well-researched, comprehensive, well-written stories, there’s not much point in going into newspaper journalism. Unless, of course, you want to be a copy editor or a graphics artist.”

This sense of having had the ground-rules of newspaper journalism change on them was echoed by many of these journalists. “I’m not sure it’s as challenging and rewarding as I once thought,” reflected a white West Coast metro desk manager with more than 20 years in the business. A Native American local news editor, himself a second-generation journalist, wrote that he was disillusioned and dissatisfied after more than 10 years in the profession. “Politics, TV journalism, ass-kissing,” he wrote. “My father, who is about to retire, has worked at newspapers for nearly 50 years. He taught me to be a strong, unapologizing, righteous, responsible journalist. That amounts to nothing today.”

A black woman reporter in her 30s, working for one of the nation’s largest dailies, sees newspaper work as a preliminary to something else. “It’s a good way to learn about the world for someone young and without children,” she said. “If you get out before you’re 30 or 35, you can always get a real job later – go to law school or something and then have a life.” A black female newsroom supervisor at the same paper, who’s also in that precarious 30-to-35 age-range, also advised her child to look to other fields: “Not sure newspapers will be around; lawyers and doctors will,” she said. A white, 30-something business reporter from the Pacific Northwest had another suggestion: “Would prefer they have a more saleable skill,” he said, “like engineering.” From California, a white male sports reporter in his 40s sounded a different version of the same theme: “I think he has some mechanical aptitude, so I’m hoping he will be a plumber and support me in my old age.”

Newspapers early and then get out – that’s the ticket, said an Asian American metro reporter in her mid-30s who says she’s unlikely to remain with her 320,000-circulation California paper. “It’s a good career for young adults, but because of limited advancement possibilities and poor pay, I would not discourage my children from changing careers by their mid-30s,” she said.

“It is a marvelous, wonderfully diverse experience for a younger person,” agreed a white male photographer from Texas with more more than 10 years in the business. “But I would advise my child to have other career aspirations at ready for the burnout invariably experienced at the 7- to 10-year mark of a journalist’s career.”

Issues of Race in Choosing Newspaper Careers

For journalists of color, newspapers too often fall short of their mandate to serve all of society. “Newspapers are strange by nature of the fact that while they are watchdogs of prejudice in society, behind closed doors racism and sexism are extremely prevalent and there seems to be no recourse.” Agreed a West Coast city desk editor, “The business isn’t ready for African Americans who bring diversity of thought to the job.”

For some, the burden of being a minority in the white newspaper industry is one they would hesitate to wish on their children. “This is a difficult question,” wrote a black reporter in her 30s. “I’m tempted to answer yes because of the rewards offered by the career and the opportunity it presents to change stereotypical perceptions of minorities. But I don’t think I want my child to go through the same kind of newsroom struggles I’ve encountered and the frustrations I’ve had because higher-ups (white decision-makers) don’t share your views or understand your ideas because of their background.” A black editorial writer also said she’d hesitate to urge her child to fight the same battles. “I envision that newspapers will be no better at valuing diversity then than they are today,” she wrote. And another, a black reporter in Chicago with more than 10 years’ experience, answered this way: “Unless the percentage of minorities in the business increases, I would much prefer they go into some other profession and succeed for what they do and who they are, not be thwarted for their skin color.”

The key word to tell your children about careers in newspapers is “No,” an African American city reporter in the Southeast said. “No, no, no and No,” she wrote. “No money. No respect. No cultural diversity. Narrow-mindedness of editors who are groomed to be that way. No opportunity to advance. I would encourage my child, if he or she was determined to be in this business, to buy his or her own newspaper!”

An Asian American reporter in Washington, D.C., agreed. “Race is always a problem. It’ll hold you back no matter what your experience or background.”

And for all persons of color, an African American newsroom supervisor in the Midwest said, progress is slow at best. “Working at a newspaper is a humbling experience for a person of color,” he said. “Newspapers perpetuate stereotypes, distort reality in many cases and rarely appreciate diversity. Unless you can be satisfied with very small victories, infrequent though they might be, you might be better off trying a different profession.”

Frustrations with the Two Ms – Money and Mismanagement

Most of those in the Burnout category simply scrawled a dollar sign or other pithy epithets next to the question asking them to explain why they wouldn’t want their children to try newspapering. “It doesn’t pay the bills,” wrote one. “$, low satisfaction, publishers’ attitude of pushing profits over product,” said another. “Dead end.” “No family life.” “Personal toll.” “Stress stress stress.” “No security.” “It takes an incredible personal toll.” “Stress, $$$, satisfaction.” “Too much pressure. Pay not good enough. Too many injustices.” “No advancement.” “Hectic hours, poor pay.” “I’d tell him, ‘Your mother and I used to be married.’” “It runs you ragged.” “Miserable quality of life, and for what?” “Too little regard for the legitimate concerns, needs and fulfillment of people.” “Too little $. Too much frustration. Too many assholes.”

A 10-year veteran city hall reporter, a white male from a mid-sized Western daily, described his daily sense of being trapped. “Too few opportunities in better-paying slots; low pay, high exploitation in entry-level slots,” he wrote. “Not a day goes by when I don’t wonder if there might be another career for me, but I know of none for which I am so well trained, skilled, independent and get paid.”

Other nay-sayers think there’s got to be something better out there, and many say they’re determined to find it, if not for themselves, then for their children. “The profession is changing much for the worse,” wrote a white female metro reporter for a Western metro. “It’s tougher and tougher to make a decent living in a business run by corporations whose decisions may not be in the best interests of the paper and the community. Exceedingly poor management in the whole industry.”

The blame for much of what’s wrong with newspapers in the 1990s is laid at the door of management. Poor people skills, lack of management training, lousy communication skills, knuckling under to corporate pressure and general insensitivity to the legitimate and mounting concerns of the rank-and-file – the troops are ripe for revolt. “Newspapers are one of this country’s most important institutions, and one of the worst-run,” a white male political reporter wrote. “The most pressing problem is the lack of management skills, especially human management.”

An African American metro reporter from Texas agrees. He says he’s thinking of leaving the business in the next five years. “Too many mediocre middle managers destroy the careers of young, talented minorities,” he said. “I don’t want my children to have to endure what I’ve had to, and seen others put through.”

Although individual managers often are the focus of the complaints of these journalists, the Burnouts realize that a new corporate mentality – management-by-objective devised by faceless, non-journalistic “suits” in distant corporate offices – has created structural changes in the industry that victimize local managers as much as front-line reporters.

“Structural changes – the never-ending chain ownership expansion and more publicly held companies – will continue to change the nature of the industry and drive down the number of available editorial positions and salaries,” a Midwestern reporter in his mid-30s wrote. “The bottom line is falling on top of reporters and editors.”

Others sounded the same theme. “While newspapers are populated with many intelligent and caring people,” a Latino reporter wrote, “the industry is structured in such a way as to make them – almost without exception – very exploitive of people who only want to do a good job and are not concerned with climbing the corporate ladder.”

And a white male makeup editor in his 40s, working for a Midwestern paper, concluded that, for his child and for himself, the joys no longer make up for the frustrations in a new corporate newspaper environment. He wrote:

At most newspapers, journalism takes second place to corporate profits. Gannett and Knight-Ridder are two examples. That has forced many good reporters and editors out of the business. People are promoted according to their politics – i.e., are they members of the good old boy clique. Merit, talent and skill no longer play a big role in promotions. This is a tough business, and the roads to the top are littered with obstacles, more often than not placed there by management. This profession once was dedicated to enlightening the public, but all too often falls miserably short. I think there are more enobling pursuits.

“The ascendancy of marketing”

This industry preoccupation with profit was common theme. “Greed, corporatization, Wall Street and timidity are ruining the newspaper industry,” wrote a white female metro reporter in her 40s. “We don’t have to worry about fighting for the First Amendment – we’re giving it away for profits.”

Although the economic downturn of late 1990 certainly helped focus rank-and-file resentment on management policies, many of the complaints of journalists who say they see bookkeepers where editors used to sit are not new. “There’s just too much influence by the bean-counters,” wrote a white male sports reporter in his late 30s. “Newspapers in the U.S. have always been a place where characters and character could flourish. We’ve lost that, maybe for good. It’s tougher and tougher now to be creative, to go after the sacred cows.”

A large part of these journalists’ declining satisfaction with their jobs has to do with the focus of modern newspapers and what a West Coast newsroom manager called “the ascendancy of marketing.” Many newsroom professionals feel that newspapers are being taken over by “narrow-minded, short-sighted advertising men in the cloak of journalism.”

“Too few of the positions in newspapers have much to do with journalism,” wrote a white female features editor who’s thinking about leaving the business after more than 10 years. “Bottom-line mentality is influencing too many editorial decisions. Little real writing occurs on newspapers; we’ve become purveyors of information that we carefully package.”

Many newspaper journalists react strongly to that issue of “packaging,” focusing on how pressures from the electronic media helped produce a new age of newspapers that bears little resemblance to the profession they once loved. Few of these reporters want their children forced into the soul-less uniformity of journalism’s equivalent of fast food, what more than one respondent called “the McPapering of the newspaper industry.”

“Newspapers across the country are emulating USA Today and that’s a travesty,” wrote a Native American desk editor in his late 20s, voicing a common industry theme. “TV-in-print is not responsible journalism but, sadly, it is fast becoming the norm.”

One white male newsroom manager who might be described as another “fallen Altruist,” says this conflict between newspapers as a business and newspapers as a medium for social commentary is at the core of the complaints of both those who are burning out on the profession and those who fear they’re presiding over the death of a national institution. That’s why he says he’d counsel his children to look elsewhere regardless of whether they want to do good, or simply to do well.

“Newspapers are likely to be less read, smaller and less influential in the future,” he wrote. “Also, creativity is evaporating as marketing ascends. If you want to look at powerful newsroom dynamics, consider the tensions and uncertainties created by the ascendancy of marketing versus news/entertainment/honest/guts values, and the steep decline of readership.”

This evaluation lies at the core of the Doomsters, journalists who think mistakes by the industry – such as corporatization – coupled with changing market realities and habits of American information consumers, will result in the death of U.S. newspapers in the next few decades.

The Doomsters

“How much longer will there be newspapers, really?
Being a newspaper reporter is like being a cowboy on a dinosaur ranch.”

White male state news reporter, 30s
Mid-sized California metro

It seems unlikely that newspapers actually will disappear in the next generation, but that’s what hundreds of journalists say. More than a third – 37 percent – of the 548 newsroom professionals who say they wouldn’t want their children to go into the newspaper business think the medium might not survive. The mere fact that 203 journalists – 17 percent of all respondents – took the time to write about concerns over the future of the profession should be a strong signal to the industry about the level of morale in the newsroom trenches.

Regardless of whether newspapers really do die in the near future, the fact remains that many rank-and-file journalists would discourage their children from entering the profession on that basis and feel strongly enough about the issue to write comments about it. This one is typical: “I have no idea what the newspaper industry will be like when they finish college in 20 years,” a white female copy editor wrote. “The profession will be much different, if it still exists. But the future certainly doesn’t look very bright for newspapers.” An Asian American desk editor from a major East Coast metro agreed: “I worry deeply about the future of newspapers. They are going to have to change drastically or die a painful death. I fear it’s already too late.”

This should be a clarion warning bell to those running the industry. If widespread, perceptions that newspapers have no future undoubtedly will torpedo efforts to recruit and retain talented journalists, making it more likely that promising entry-level prospects and experienced journalists alike will opt out of the industry for greener and safer pastures.

“I think newspapers are a dying breed of communication,” wrote a black desk editor from Philadelphia. A white male photo editor at a major East Coast metro agreed: “The future of newspapers never looked gloomier.”

The image that emerges from these journalists’ comments is one of resignation. For many of these doom-sayers, the end of their own careers and the end of newspapers as a major mass medium in America will occur at about the same time. “The future of the business is murky at best,” said one reporter. “It’s an industry under threat of extinction,” another wrote. Several wondered if there will be newspapers by the time their children were ready to look for work. “Opportunities will shrink significantly by the time my 7-year-old is looking for a job,” said a white male business reporter in his 40s. “Newspapering represented upward mobility for me. It won’t for my kid.”

“By the time my children are old enough to start a career in newspaper journalism, newspapers will be fossils,” wrote a Florida sports copy editor. On the same theme, a Latino male with more than 10 years in the business wrote, “No future. Newspapers are dinosaurs.” And a third agreed. “These things are dinosaurs,” a San Francisco reporter said. “He’ll be taking his grandkids to museums to look at them [newspapers] much as we look at stagecoaches.”

Many others worried that fewer newspapers in the future would mean fewer good jobs and even less chance of getting ahead than there it today. “Newspapers are dwindling,” a white male copy editor for a Texas newspaper wrote. I would not want my child to face a career where chances are that there will be fewer chances to advance in other careers.” Said a black New York features writer, “Newspapers will be obsolete by the time he reaches adulthood. I would prefer a career where my child had a chance of reaching the top of the ladder; this one may not even have a ladder by then.” “No decent jobs. No future,” said another. “This industry is killing itself by not looking at the big picture,” a Hispanic sports editor wrote.

“There are too few newspapers now, and they are dying off,” a white female reporter for a major East Coast metro wrote. “This is not a medium with a future.” A West Coast reporter in his late 50s agreed: “This is a dying, irrelevant biz that has lost its soul.”

A black reporter for a Southern paper said she wouldn’t wish the experiences of her 10-plus years in the business on her children, if she had any. Further, she said, there is little opportunity. “1. No money. 2. No chance for advancement. 3. People don’t read anymore, so why suffer through 1 and 2?” she wrote.

“Readership is dying. Newspapers too. RIP.”

Many of these respondents point to declining readership as a sure sign that the industry has no future. “Newspapers are declining so rapidly in circulation and revenue that it will be extremely difficult to secure a good job or keep it,” wrote a white male science editor. “Most people 40 years of age and under do not read newspapers.” Further, a Pennsylvania desk editor said, because newspapers haven’t done a good job of attracting young readers, there may be an entire generation lost to the medium, which may be enough to do newspapers in for good. “I see newspapers having a difficult time of it in the future,” he wrote. “Illiteracy is common; kids I know spend little or no time reading newspapers. If it isn’t electronic, they’re not interested.”

Others sounded this same lament. “Newspapers are a dying breed,” a black female metro reporter in her late 20s said. “The habit of reading newspapers is not taught to current and future generations.” Another in her early 20s agreed that too few Americans have the newspaper habit. “I worry because so few people my age depend on newspapers. I think newspapers are vital, must continue. But without change, I’m not sure that will happen.” Summarized one reporter succinctly, “Readership is dying. Newspapers too. RIP.”

Some blame the rise of television, others blame mismanagement and newspapers’ misguided attempts to beat TV at its own game. “If newspapers don’t reassert themselves as news products and stop trying to be TV or civic PR and all the other things they’ve become, newspapers are doomed,” a copy editor at a major Midwestern metro said. A white male business editor on the West Coast agreed: “We seem determined to compete with TV on its terms, a battle we are destined to lose.”

Television certainly is one of the culprits, others agree. “Sadly, this business is dying,” a black sports reporter in his late 30s wrote. “Too much competition from TV – fewer people rely on newspapers as their primary source of news.”

That competition may hold the answer for many of these journalists. “I don’t think there’s really much future in the business say, 10 years from now. People just don’t read anymore; TV is the name of the game,” a 27-year-old black male GA reporter from Ohio wrote. An older, white colleague added, with resignation, “As much as I hate to say it, I’d advise my kid not to try newspapers. Newsgathering, yes. Newspapers, not sure.”

Said another, “I can’t believe I’m saying this, but TV news media is a better opportunity.” A Latino business reporter from the Southeast agreed. “I think the days of the general circulation newspaper are gone,” she said. “People will receive all their information through radio or television. If my children wanted to be journalists, I’d head them in that direction.”

“It was once, believe it or not, a noble profession”

For some, newspapers’ decline has been a betrayal of a public trust. “McPapering,” happy news you can use, brights, TV journalism and endless contests have replaced what newspapers in America used to stand for, some journalists say. With its loss of a mandate in America’s democratic marketplace of ideas in favor of the marketplace of profit, the newspaper industry has lost its dignity and, some of these journalists say, taken their own dignity with it. “Changes in the industry and its dominant focus on money mean there’s less focus on high quality journalism and making a difference,” one journalist said.

Another, a white male feature writer from the Southeast, was unequivocal and eloquent on whether he would want his daughter to consider newspaper work. “NO!!” he wrote. “It’s not the 1970s anymore. Journalism today emphasizes trends – pithy, clever, short takes on a consumptive society and endless inconsequential updates on life style and not life substance. I always suspected, when I saw the power of Watergate-era journalism, that it was only a matter of time before corporations – whether through direct ownership or by the influence industry of ad firms and PR groups – bought thought. That has come to pass. Which is OK, as long as newspapers cling to their independence and fight, but they don’t. What newspapers need are editors; instead, what they have are MBAs. To tell my daughter plainly, ‘It was once, believe it or not, a noble profession.’ No more.”

As a result, a black female local news reporter from California wrote, “Newspaper journalism has become routine, dull, petty, boring. The public has diminishing faith in journalists, and maybe they should. Most people have no respect for what we do. There are no heroes in journalism anymore.”

“The newspaper industry is dying,” a white male reporter for a major Western metro wrote. “We’re no longer idealistic. We don’t want to educate or illuminate for the public. We want to entertain, like TV and USA Today. Newspapers have lost their values – now we’re run by the numbers crunchers and the new breed of editors are either scared or could care less.”
This sense that newspapers have lost the values on which they were founded, and for which many idealistic new college graduates want to enter the profession, is at the heart of many journalists’ uneasiness with the industry and their own roles in it. As one upper-level supervisor wrote, “I’m not very sure anymore what we’re selling in the marketplace of ideas.”

An Asian American desk editor in his 50s might have been thinking over the recommendations of the Hutchins Commission – particularly those about the press’s responsibility to present the goals and values of all members of society – when he explained why he wouldn’t urge his child into newspapers.

“The more I remain in this profession, the more I realize that newspapers rarely perform the very necessary function given them by the Constitution,” he wrote. “Most mainstream newspapers are merely the organs of establishment and guardians of the status quo, not the defenders of the few, the weak.”

• • •

NOTES: CHAPTER 8 – Would You Want Your Kids Doing This?

1. California Chicano News Media Association, “Latinos in California’s News Media: A Status Report,” presented to the CCNMA state convention, September 21, 1990, Part 1.
2. Personal communication with J. Frazier Smith, then a faculty member at the E.W. Scripps School of Journalism, Ohio University, after an eight-year career as a reporter and desk editor for the Cincinnati Enquirer and USA Today. March 14, 1991.
3. Ted Pease, “Still on the Beat (or would be): J educators value professional involvement and want more,” Newspaper Research Journal, 11 (4): 52-63 (Fall 1990), p. 53.
4. Personal communication, March 16, 1991. Journalism historian Patrick S. Washburn is assistant director and graduate coordinator at the E.W. Scripps School of Journalism, Ohio University. After a dozen years in newspapers, Washburn abandoned the newsroom to return to school, earn a Ph.D. and start a second career in teaching.

Pease: “Still the Invisible People” Ch 7: Getting Ahead

“Still the Invisible People”
Job Satisfaction of Minority Journalists at U.S. Daily Newspapers
By Edward C. Pease (©1991)

Doctoral Dissertation
E.W Scripps School of Journalism
Ohio University • Athens, Ohio

CHAPTER 7—Getting Ahead: Factors and Obstacles in Newsroom Advancement

Q: “What do you think is the single most important factor in advancement at your company?”
A: “It sure beats the hell out of me!”
– White male business reporter, late 30s
250,000+ metro daily

Perceptions are tricky. Ask anyone. ASNE’s Changing Face of the Newsroom study found some evidence of how perceptions can torpedo even the best of intentions. “Of particular concern to editors should be the disparity of opinion between newsroom managers and their staffs over the effectiveness of management and the quality of the newspaper,” writes ASNE’s Stinnett in an opening summary. “Editors don’t think feedback is a problem, but their underlings do. Managers think newsroom morale is higher than apparently it is.”1

In this study, newsroom managers also take considerable heat from respondents. In response to the question, “What do you think is the single most important factor in advancement at your company?” some wrote: “Who knows?” “I wish to hell I knew!!!” “Self-promotion.” and “Incompetence helps.” Such confusion and frustration over what it takes to get ahead should be a signal to newsroom managers that, however clear they think the criteria for advancement are, the message isn’t getting through. “It’s really hard to figure,” wrote one respondent; said another, “I truly cannot tell.” Unclear standards breed the kind of resentment and even contempt from the troops that prompted these kinds of responses to questions about what it takes to get ahead: “Servility, dishonesty and sycophancy,” a reporter in his early 40s wrote; “Willingness to subvert your journalistic ideals,” said another.

The previous section examined journalists’ desire for advancement and professional growth and their respective levels of ambition. Part of their assessment in deciding what jobs they might want and how likely it is that they’ll get them must be an understanding of what factors are most important in getting ahead. From the input of the ASNE study and comments of respondents to this survey, there seems to be not only confusion over what it takes to get ahead, but differences of opinion over what tends to hold journalists back in the ranks.
The ASNE study asked its respondents which of four factors was most important in advancement: merit, convenience, politics and seniority. Merit – which probably should be the answer but too seldom is – was the response of 39 percent of whites; 32 percent of whites said politics. Minorities were less trusting: 24 percent selected merit, but 58 percent of all minorities and 64 percent of blacks said politics was the overriding factor in getting ahead in American newsrooms.2

In this study, most white respondents – 41.9 percent – say they think advancement is based on individual merit/talent/skill and 31 percent answer personal politics, both results mirroring the ASNE responses four years before, as Table 45 shows. Again, minority respondents are less trusting – one said “naive”– than whites; 31 percent said advancement decisions were made on the basis of merit, but more – 43 percent – said it was newsroom politics. As in ASNE’s 1987 results, this is bad news for managers; much of the rank-and-file think personnel decisions are made capriciously; combine two related categories, and you have half of all respondents saying managers arrive at promotion, assignment and advancement decisions on the basis of newsroom politics or whatever’s most convenient.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 45: Factors in newsroom advancement, by race, in percentages

Q. What do you think is the single most important factor in advancement at your company?

1991 1987a
W M All W M All
Merit/talent/skills 41.9 30.8 38.1 39.0 24.0 39.0
Seniority 4.2 4.8 4.4 7.0 4.0 8.0
Race 1.3 4.8 2.4 -- -- --
Politics 31.0 43.3 35.1 32.0 58.0 33.0
Mgt convenience 16.4 13.7 15.5 21.0 15.0 21.0
Other* 5.3 2.7 4.4 -- -- --

1991 data: N=1311; X2=42.773; d.f.=5; p<.0001; Missing = 17 * Other = combination of factors ; others wrote, “Who knows?” and “I truly wish I knew.” a = 1987 data from 1987 ASNE Changing Face of the Newsroom study. That study did not include “Race” and “Other” options ________________________________________________________________________ Not surprisingly, since the newsroom repeatedly is referred to as an old boys’ club, women are even more critical of managers and the weight they apparently place on personal politics in newsroom advancement. Women overall see merit as much less a factor in advancement than do men, 28.1 percent to 40 percent (see Table 46). One Hispanic reporter from Texas said she checked merit, “but I may be naive!” Another, a copy editor for one of the nation’s largest dailies, noted, “This question troubled me very much – I so wanted to check ‘merit’ and couldn’t convince myself. Politics has played such a large role here in the past, but that may be changing.” She’s not alone in that sentiment; more than 47 percent of women say politics are the overriding factor in advancement at their newspapers, compared to 36 percent of men. In another swipe at newsroom managers, 11 percent of all female respondents and 14 percent of males say most advancement decisions are made on the basis of whatever suits management’s convenience. And as noted in the results reported in Table 46, journalists of color tend to be more critical than whites of the importance of newsroom politics; thus, race in conjunction with gender yields some of the sharpest criticisms for the processes newsroom managers employ in making promotion decisions. TABLE 46 here Interestingly, few respondents see race as a dominant factor in newsroom advancement, although several said gender is an issue. A female copy editor from a Southern paper wrote that the dominant factor in the newsroom is “race and sex: white men advance under this management dictatorship.” Two other women, both from the East Coast, also assailed the good old boy school of newspaper management. One, a white reporter in her 40s, wrote that the most important factor in getting ahead was “Being a man, preferably the scion of a wealthy family.” The other, an African American metro desk reporter who said she was unlikely to be in the business in five years, echoed that point: “Whether one attends an Ivy League or other ‘ruling class’ school. And, of course, whether one is a white male.” More than half of black women and more than 60 percent of Hispanic women respondents said politics was at the heart of management decision-making. Several respondents pointed out that politics includes factors of race, gender and “management convenience, capriciousness and whimsy,” making that a potent and turbulent category indeed. Note that white men and women both ranked merit/talent/skill as most important, although sizeable percentages of both groups also cited politics. That newsroom politics may be more a function of gender than of race is illustrated by the responses of minority men to this question; although 40 percent or more of both black and Latino men cited politics as the leading factor in advancement, more than half of black and Latino women. Further, note the responses of Asian men and women; the attitudes of both of these subgroups closely resemble those of white respondents, suggesting that Asian American journalists may have an easier time than some other people of color in assimilating themselves into the newsroom political structure. Returning for a moment to the “haves v. have-nots” thesis, some support for the view of a newsroom caste system emerges from these findings. All newsroom journalists worry about the influence of newsroom politics in trying to assess what it takes to get ahead, but this factor is of greatest concern among members of “out” groups, people who are not white and not good old boys. Those who have newsroom power – whites and especially white men – are considerably less concerned about the political influence in advancement than those who do not – especially blacks and Hispanics. Along gender lines, the “haves” are men and the “have-nots” women, who are most likely to point to newsroom politics as the primary factor in advancement. In examining responses to this question by newspaper circulation in Table 47, an evolution in the workplace “education” of journalists of color is apparent. Minority journalists are largely in agreement with their white co-workers at smaller newspapers about the weight placed on performance – about 40 percent of both whites and nonwhites at 50,000- to 100,000-circulation size papers point to merit/talent/skill as the leading factor in advancement. In the largest circulation category, white respondents’ faith in meritocracy remains about constant, but many minorities have changed their minds; only 26.4 percent of journalists of color working for papers in the 500,000 and higher circulation range think merit is what it takes to get ahead in newspapers. TABLE 47 here Among both whites and nonwhites, the percentage of respondents saying politics was the leading factor also rises sharply with circulation, to nearly half of all nonwhite journalists and more than a third of whites at largest papers. Perception of management capriciousness – advancement for management convenience – as a leading factor declines as circulation increases among both whites and minorities, from about 20 percent at smaller papers to 12 percent to 13 percent at larger papers. The ASNE survey also asked respondents about their perceptions of obstacles to career advancement in the newsroom, as did the present study. In 1987, 56 percent of whites said competition from co-workers was the primary obstacle, but 36 percent of minorities said it was race; for blacks, that number was even higher, 46 percent.3 Responding to the same question, journalists in 1991 come down along somewhat similar lines (see Table 48). More than a quarter of white respondents say competition from co-workers is their biggest career obstacle, but nearly half of white respondents checked “other.” Most did not explain what “other” obstacle confronted them; many white respondents wrote that they had perceived no obstacles to advancement in their careers. Another 180 white journalists – 15.6 percent of all white respondents – listed various facets of newsroom or corporate politics. Other handwritten comments to explain “other” included a heavy dose of criticism, some very harsh, for “management bullshit” and “management caprices”; others suggested structural or geographic impediments to advancement; others said the block was a combination of the other factors. ________________________________________________________________________ TABLE 48: Obstacles to newsroom advancement, by race, in percentages

Q. What do you think is the biggest obstacle to your career advancement in newspapers?

1991 1987a
W M All W M All
Lack of experience 9.4 16.6 11.8 20.0 27.0 21.0
Lack training 4.9 5.0 4.9 13.0 7.0 13.0
Race 4.8 27.1 12.3 1.0 36.0 5.0
Gender 8.8 5.2 7.6 10.0 2.0 9.0
Competition 25.2 23.5 24.6 56.0 28.0 52.0
Other* 46.9 22.6 38.8 -- -- --

1991 data: N=1254; X2=173.322; d.f.=5; p<.0001; Missing = 74 * More than one-third of those who check “other” explained that they meant newsroom politics. Others – white respondents especially – said they had experienced no obstacles; the rest listed a combination of factors. a = Data from 1987 ASNE Changing Face of the Newsroom study. “Other” category not included. ________________________________________________________________________ Among minorities, race is seen as the biggest obstacle to advancement by 27 percent of respondents, lower than the ASNE study’s finding, as Table 48 shows. Another 23.5 percent of minorities say competition from co-workers limits their advancement, and 22.6 percent checked “other.” For about a third of these, “other” means office politics (7.8 percent of all minority journalists); like their white counterparts, many minority respondents who checked “other” say management was the problem; others say it’s a combination of factors. A combination of lack of experience and training is seen as the greatest obstacle to the career advancement of 14 percent of white respondents and almost 22 percent of minorities, down from about one-third in ASNE’s 1987 study. There also are gender differences in responses to this question, as Table 49 indicates. For both men and women overall, factors lumped under “other” – a combination of these five factors, plus complaints about management, newsroom politics and other issues – are seen by most respondents as blocking their careers: “It’s a combination of politics, competition and racism,” a Midwestern black male desk editor wrote. Beyond these other issues, however, most women see competition from co-workers as the biggest obstacle to advancement, followed by race and experience; 13 percent of women cited gender as the biggest problem. All males, influenced by almost half of black men, ranked race first after “other,” followed by experience and competition. Twenty-one men, including 15 white men, list gender as being a top obstacle to their advancement. These 15 men apparently are responding to corporate directives at some newspapers that favor female candidates for top positions. These policies, for the most part within the largest U.S. newspaper chains such as Gannett and Knight Ridder, have resulted in the hiring of women as upper-echelon managers and generated resentment among some mid-level male managers who might otherwise have been in line for those positions. “Males are being ignored for management positions,” a Southern white male sports reporter in his late 30s wrote. “Only women have been interviewed while in-house male employees are ignored.” TABLE 49 here For black journalists – men and women – race is seen as the dominant factor in the advancement process, more than for members of all other ethnic groups; 47.9 percent of African American men and 26.7 percent of African American women say race is the biggest obstacle they face in advancing their careers. Half of all Asian American men say their lack of experience and competition from co-workers are the primary factors slowing their rise through the ranks; two-thirds of Latino women point to race, competition and a combination of other issues. Predictably, the proportions of both white and nonwhite journalists who cite their own lack of experience or training drop as circulation rises, although minority journalists even that the largest papers are still more likely than white co-workers to say these are the roadblocks to their advancement. As Table 50 shows, minority journalists’ perceptions of the role of race in newsroom advancement increase by almost 50 percent from the smallest papers to the largest, while whites’ perception of race as a factor declines. Minority journalists appear to think competition from co-workers as an obstacle to thgeir advancement diminishes with circulation, while more whites at large papers than at smaller ones point to this factor. Identifying Roadblocks: Management, racism, reverse discrimination

Explanatory notes in the questionnaire margins point to newsroom politics, mismanagement, distant corporate control, and individual frustrations as major obstacles to their career progress, although white men wrote that they had risen as high as they want to go and either already occupied a top slot or had no interest in venturing into management. It’s instructive to look at these open-ended responses in some detail, since they provide both flavor and descriptive qualitative flesh to the survey’s quantitative bones.

TABLE 50 here

Although they’re a relatively small percentage of the total white male respondents, the 6 percent of white men who said race is a major obstacle to their advancement bear some examination. A sports reporter from the upper Midwest, checking the “race” choice, wrote: “I’m a white male.” Thirty-one other white males and seven white females also said race was a problem in their attempts to advance, indicators of perceptions of reverse discrimination. “Minorities have been promoted regardless of qualifications,” wrote a white male systems supervisor from the Midwest. Another agreed. “Managers seem to believe that minorities and women automatically are qualified for jobs, while white males must prove themselves,” a white male business reporter in his 40s with between 10 and 20 years’ experience wrote. “White males are frozen in place because better jobs are given to women and minorities. The paper should have the guts to reward merit without regard to race, gender.” Ironically, this is in reverse exactly what women and minorities have been saying for years.

Other written comments from respondents offer glimpses into the pressures at work in the newsroom trenches. As the 1987 ASNE report concluded, what we have here is a failure to communicate. From these open-ended responses – 133 of which said simply “politics,” or some variation – it is clear that there is great anger and frustration in the newsroom. Much of that anger is directed at local management and corporate directives. Structural problems – what one white male called “ossified existing hierarchy” – including mismanagement and corporatization, are killing the newspaper business, many rank-and-file journalists say.

Some respondents said they were their own greatest obstacle advancement: “I want out,” said one. Others cited family considerations, geography and outside interests. Still others said their own personality traits worked against their advancement: “Personal complacency,” said one; “My own aggressive style,” said one man, although another cited his “lack of aggression.” Others wrote: “lack ambition” and “sexual orientation.” A West Coast Asian American copy editor in her 40s pointed to “the glass ceiling current management has installed.” Another cited her newspaper’s financial straits. A white male metro desk editor in his late 40s said he’d hit a plateau: “Too many fairly young people above me,” he wrote.

Still, most of those who felt moved to write comments cited politics and attacked management and managers. “It’s a long-established management position here – Don’t rock the boat,” said a white male at a 250,000-circulation metro.

In the East, “the obsession with Ivy League education, when I went to a state school” is a roadblock to a black female metro reporter in her late 20s. But a white male copy editor in his 50s said the Midwest is no better, citing “the fair-haired, good old Yaley boy network.” And even in Texas, where good old boy usually means something entirely different than it does in most American newsrooms, a black male photographer wrote, “I didn’t go to the right school and I don’t go drinking with the boys!!”

Many are “reluctant to play the game.” An Asian woman reporter, for instance, says she’s “not good at the old boys network.” A Latino photographer in his early 30s cited what he called the “bigotry of good old boy networking,” and many just scrawled “cronyism” across the questionnaire. “I’m just not a skilled brown-noser,” wrote a white male desk editor from the Midwest. “I’m not a company man,” wrote another. Many others were even less circumspect; this male Latino local news editor from the Southwest is representative: “I have a low bullshit tolerance and I refuse to kiss management’s ass.”

Among those commenting on how their race or ethnicity affect relationships within the newsroom was this African American copy desk supervisor in his late 30s, who said, “Politics is a problem, including race.” A Latino feature writer from California agreed, saying race is a limiting factor in everything she does: “I’ve been told I’m ‘not dark enough’ or ‘we already have a Mexican, need a black.’”

A Hispanic metro reporter from Texas wrote about the confusing signals he gets from his editors. “Cultural differences and writing style, I think,” he said. “Despite my 10 years in the business, some editors consider me a lightweight, mainly because of my foreign accent and the way I write. They never complain about my writing, but when editing a story they are always asking, ‘How about if we say it like this instead?’”

And an African American metro reporter in her late 40s discussion thoughtfully how the newsroom culture and those who run it are so set in exclusionary ruts that few who are not white males can break through. The barriers are tradition, structure, race and gender in a confusing variety of doses. She wrote:

I think the biggest obstacle is a combination of race, gender and other factors. In one area, it has to do with how people socialize. I am not invited to the same parties and social functions as those attended by people who are in a position to hire or promote employees. Those events and situations usually are the province of whites, with white males as the dominant figures. I, as a black woman, am not privy to those encounters, where reporters’ careers and prospects are discussed. For example, my paper once conducted an internal survey on its hiring and promotions policies. One comment that stuck in my mind came from a national news editor who said the main way he learned of promising young local reporters was when his friends discussed their work at cocktail parties. This was a major factor in his hiring and promoting decisions, he said. He didn’t see what was wrong with his remark. Additionally, there is an urge for editors to want to assign black reporters to cover “black” news. I feel my career has suffered because I refused to be pigeon-holed that way. I have covered a variety of areas well, as my evaluations show. But I was never singled out as a “star” reporter because I did not want to cover shootings and the black underclass. The black reporters who do these stories about pathetic black life seem to be the ones who get ahead. White editors at my paper seem more comfortable with having blacks in these roles than with having minorities covering other serious issues.

• • •

NOTES: CHAPTER 7 – Factors and Obstacles in Newsroom Advancement

1. American Society of Newspaper Editors, The Changing Face of the Newsroom. (Reston, VA: American Society of Newspaper Editors, 1987), p. 13.
2. Ibid., p. 114.
3. Ibid., p. 115.
Chapter 8.

Pease: “Still the Invisible People” Ch 6: Job Satisfaction in the Newsroom

“Still the Invisible People”
Job Satisfaction of Minority Journalists at U.S. Daily Newspapers
By Edward C. Pease (©1991)

Doctoral Dissertation
E.W Scripps School of Journalism
Ohio University • Athens, Ohio

CHAPTER 6—Job Satisfaction Issues in the Newsroom

Journalists are overwhelmingly satisfied with their choice of newspapers as a profession, but in answers about specific aspects of their jobs, many seemed to contradict that blanket approval.

In 1987, the American Society of Newspaper Editors’ national survey of newsroom employees concluded that newspaper journalists were “a happy bunch.”1 Wrote ASNE Executive Director Lee Stinnett, “While there are widely varying viewpoints and attitudes within the newsroom, this study does reveal a prevailing spirit of optimism among the people who populate today’s newsroom.”2 There were problems in the newsroom, acknowledged Stinnett and others who conducted the study – communication, pay and management high on the list – but overall, the Changing Face of the Newsroom report was upbeat, positive and optimistic.

But some of the responses to the ASNE study indicated clouds on that sunny horizon, some potentially seriously dunderboomers. Among these were expressions of exclusion by minority journalists who, though just as committed to their profession as their white co-workers, felt themselves blocked from opportunities for career advancement. The obstacles, they said, included newsroom politics, issues of race, structural impediments and other factors unrelated to their performance or abilities.3

As the newspaper workforce slowly adapts to become more inclusive, more representative of diverse segments of an increasingly pluralistic society, new pressures and tensions crop up in the newsroom. There are indications that the climate in America’s newsrooms is not as sunny and clear as the 1987 ASNE study seemed to conclude. Newspaper journalists do, indeed, love the business, but regardless of their race, they express growing frustrations about how the business is run, how their newspapers perform, the impact of economic and social forces on the news product, and how an increasingly corporatized newspaper industry chews up and spits out talent.

For journalists of color, day-to-day workplace frustrations are amplified. Dealing with issues of race and ethnicity on top of the “normal” day-to-day tensions inherent in the job add up to anger, disillusionment and disenfranchisement. Many minority journalists carry with them a sense of personal mission that most white journalists do not share, a purpose beyond general journalistic altruism to serve society, to expose wrongs and to do good. For journalists of color who know themselves as members of social underclasses, or at least lesser classes, in America – whatever the Constitution or federal judgments may say to the contrary – ethnicity provides impetus and purpose to their careers beyond that of most of their white colleagues. For this and other reasons, minority journalists often carry with them ambitions greater than those of white journalists. For these newsroom professionals, the combination of heightened ambition and career expectation, thwarted by organizational constraints that favor entrenched white males, may result in an equally heightened sense of frustration and dissatisfaction on the job.

In many ways (to adapt Gertrude Stein), a journalist is a journalist is a journalist, people with common tasks and many goals in common. A white male desk editor in his 40s, responding to this survey from an East Coast newsroom, wonders why we can’t stop hassling over questions of diversity and just get on with the job of journalism. “Frankly, I’m tired of people identifying themselves with groups or subgroups,” he said. “How about this – We’re all journalists; get the job done and let’s go home.” In many ways, he and others in the industry who feel the same are right; why must race complicate what essentially is a pretty straightforward job, to report, write and publish the news?

But, as Roz Bentley, a black female reporter from the Minneapolis Star-Tribune said on a recent National Public Radio series on race in America, “They just don’t get it!”4 For all journalists, the job is primary. For minority journalists and all people of color, however, race defines their personal and professional lives, while for most members of the dominant white culture in America, ethnicity is at best an intellectual issue. But for members of ethnic and racial minority groups, race is a central part of themselves that they cannot put aside like a sweater and just “get the job done and go home.” For journalists of color as for the growing proportion of the larger population that journalists cover, race is integral to the jobs they do, how they go about getting the jobs done and, for many, the homes they go home to.

A “Race-Neutral” Measure of Job Satisfaction

In this survey, a series of questions sought to evaluate, as “race-neutrally” as possible, respondents’ overall job satisfaction before moving on to questions of how diversity is playing in and influencing American newsrooms. The questions asked respondents point-blank how satisfied they were with their choice of a newspaper career, whether they plan to stay at their current newspapers, whether they see themselves remaining in the news business down the road, what their professional goals were and how confident they were about attaining them.

In many ways, these 11 opening questions getting at how happy journalists are in their professional skins elicit conflicting signals. On the one hand, newspaper journalists are overwhelmingly satisfied with their choice of newspapers as a profession, but in answers to specific questions about specific aspects of their jobs, many respondents of all races seemed to contradict their earlier blanket approval.

Sixty percent of respondents in ASNE’s 1987 study said their jobs met their expectations; 81 percent said they liked their current job more than any of their previous positions.5 Seventy percent of California Latino journalists responding to a summer 1990 study by the California Chicano News Media Association and the Center for the Integration and Improvement of Journalism at San Francisco State University said their jobs in both print and broadcast had met their expectations.6 Those questions really asks how satisfied respondents were with their jobs, but they will serve as comparison points.

If anything, journalists in 1991 say they are even more satisfied with their choice of a newspaper career than previous studies have indicated. In response to the point-blank question, “How satisfied are you with your choice of a newspaper career,” nearly 90 percent of all 1,328 respondents said they were very or somewhat satisfied; just 1.8 percent – 24 journalists – said they were very dissatisfied. As Table 24 shows, there is near-absolute unanimity among whites and nonwhites, men and women, on this question. Although whites overall are more likely to be “very satisfied” than nonwhites with their choice of careers in newspapers – 53.3 percent to 46.6 percent – composite satisfaction scores combining “very” and “somewhat” satisfied responses are 89.4 percent for whites and 89.5 percent for minorities.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 24: Journalists’ job satisfaction by race, in percentages

Q. How satisfied are you with your choice of a newspaper career?

Whites Minorities All
Very Satisfied 53.3 43.6 50.1
Somewhat Satisfied 36.1 44.9 39.1
Somewhat Dissatisfied 9.1 9.0 9.0
Very Dissatisfied 1.5 2.5 1.8

Composite responses
Very/Somewhat Satisfied 89.4 88.5 89.2
Somewat/Very Dissatisfied 10.6 11.5 10.8

N=1326; X2=13.166; d.f.=3; p=.0043; Missing = 2
________________________________________________________________________

There is no gender gap apparent in responses to this question, as Table 25 shows: Men’s and women’s composite satisfaction scores are within one-tenth of a percentage point of each other. Of all gender/race subgroups, Latino women are least satisfied with their careers, if an 86.6 composite satisfaction rating can be called a poor showing. Among all subgroups, white women and Asian American women express the higher degree of satisfaction with their career choices – 90.9 for both groups.

If expressed career satisfaction equates to job satisfaction, and if happy workplaces are productive workplaces, this would seem to be dazzlingly good news for the industry as a whole and its managers. When the additional variable of newspaper circulation size is factored in, nothing changes; although most newspaper journalists seek to climb the career ladder to larger newspapers, they are no more or less satisfied with the newspaper profession at 1 million-circulation papers than they are at 50,000-circulation papers.

TABLE 25

Abandoning the newsroom

So if minority journalists are so satisfied with their career choices, why aren’t there more of them? One traditional answer to that question has been that journalists of color have a low survival rate in newspapers, that they wash out or are forced out by an industry that won’t let them succeed. In its 1985 “Quiet Crisis” study, the Institute for Journalism Education reported that “minorities had left the profession at three times the rate of whites – and ... nearly twice as many planned to leave as whites.”7 Shaken by that dire evaluation, the newspaper industry based many of its subsequent efforts at recruitment, training and retention of journalists of color on the assumption that minorities were more likely to leave the business than whites. That conclusion was easily believable at newspapers already sparsely staffed by minorities; in a newsroom with only a small handful of nonwhite employees, the loss of just one to another newspaper or field was instantly obvious.

Two summer 1990 studies came up with similar conclusions. A survey returned by 265 members of the Asian American Journalists Association found that nearly 36 percent of respondents said they were likely or very likely to leave the newspaper business within the next five years.8 A simultaneous study of 118 Latino journalists in California by the California Chicano News Media Association found that 20 percent of respondents thought they’d leave journalism in the next 10 years. 9

The earlier ASNE study didn’t ask that question, but 49 percent of all journalists in that study said they planned to leave the newspaper business in their 60s or later, although minority respondents gave a different response. While half of whites said they’d stay in the business until retirement age, minority respondents were spread more or less evenly, equal percentages saying they expected to leave in their 30s, 40s, 50s and 60s – not a very conclusive answer. In answer to a question that asked whether respondents planned to make journalism their career, 74 percent of whites and 67 percent of minorities said yes; 4 percent of whites and 7 percent of minorities said no.10 The question of whether journalists of color are apt to leave the industry at greater rates than whites remained murky.

For that reason, particularly in light of the recent surveys of Asian and Latino journalists, this study included the AAJA question to see if minority respondents would confirm that large percentages of journalists of color planned to abandon the profession in the next several years. The answer: No.

As Table 26 shows, journalists in 1991 apparently are fairly devoted to the profession, regardless of their race. Despite some gloom about the future viability of the newspaper industry, dissatisfaction with working conditions – hours, pay, stress and autonomy – and widespread unhappiness with newsroom managers and the “corporatization” of American journalism, most plan to stay in the business. In response to the question, “Do you think you’ll still be in newspaper journalism five years from now,” more than four of five journalists – white and nonwhite – said they are likely or very likely to stay in the business. Although almost one in five minority respondents – 18.5 percent – said they were unlikely or very unlikely to be in newspapers in five years, so did 14.3 percent of white journalists. Certainly, the fact that 18.5 percent of minority journalists are thinking seriously about leaving the business should be of concern to the industry, which has said it is trying so hard to hire and retain journalists of color, but next to the AAJA’s 35.8 percent who said they would leave in five years, this is good news. Overall, whites were more enthusiastic – 42.5 percent said they were “very likely” to remain in newspapers, compared to one-third of minorities – but most journalists of all races say they intend to stay.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 26: Journalists’ likelihood of remaining in newspaper journalism, by race, in percentages

Q. Do you think you’ll still be in newspaper journalism 5 years from now?

Whites Minorities All
Very Likely 42.5 33.3 39.4
Likely 43.2 48.2 44.9
Unlikely 9.9 14.4 11.4
Very Unlikely 4.4 4.1 4.3

Composite responses
Very Likely/Likely 85.7 81.5 84.3
Unlikely/VeryUnlikely 14.3 18.5 15.7

N=1322; X2=13.27; d.f.=3; p=.0041
________________________________________________________________________

The picture becomes somewhat less robust, however, in considering responses by both gender and individual ethnic minority group. As indicated by Table 27, some groups clearly are at greater risk than others. For one thing, although more than 80 percent of all female respondents say they’re very likely or likely to remain in the business, that vote of confidence is less enthusiastic than it appears. Only 27.5 percent of all women say they’re “very likely” to be in newspapers in five years, compared to a heartier 41.9 percent of men. This may be only a question of degree, but it will bear watching. Note that the largest percentage response for all women is “likely,” while “very likely” gets most of the votes from three of four of the male respondent subgroups.

The slight, 5-percentage-point gender gap apparent between the responses of all men and all women in the study on this question grows when the variable of race is added. Although white men and women respond almost identically, there are sizable gender gaps within all three ethnic minority groups. More than one-fifth of all minority women say they’re unlikely or very unlikely to be in the business five years from now. These relatively weak responses may be of concern, particularly in light of the AAJA study finding. Of all the subgroups examined, Asian American women are least committed to a future in newspaper journalism. More than one-fifth – 22.4 percent – say they are unlikely to be working for newspapers in five years, as are 21.9 percent of black women and 20 percent of Latino women. If there is attrition among minority journalists in newspapers in the near future, it seems most likely to be women of color. The industry as a whole and individual newspaper managers will have to consider whether loss of one in five minority women is acceptable in ongoing efforts to expand the nonwhite presence in the newsroom.

The danger zones are more obvious when newspaper circulation size is considered. Not surprisingly, the minority journalists most at risk work for the smallest newspapers in the sample. More than 26 percent of minority respondents working for papers of 50,000 to 100,000 daily circulation say they don’t see themselves remaining in the industry five years from now (see Table 28). Their white co-workers are half as likely to be considering a career change. Since smaller newspapers are the traditional “farm system,” avenues to train and season journalists for larger papers in the industry, this finding has implications beyond the newsrooms of papers in that circulation category. From the results in Table 28, it appears that white journalists working at newspapers of 500,000 circulation and larger are least likely to consider leaving the industry, but nearly 19 percent of their minority co-workers are thinking about making a change. Interesting, the two groups most at risk – most likely to say they’ll leave the business within the next five years – work for the largest and smallest papers in the sample; overall, both whites and nonwhites at the 100,000-250,000 circulation level say least likely to be thinking about leaving the industry.

TABLE 27, TABLE 28 Here

In its 1985 “Quiet Crisis” study, the Institute for Journalism Education asked journalists if they “eventually will leave newspaper journalism”; 36 percent to 41 percent of minority journalists said “yes,” compared to 22 percent of white journalists.11 Although it is difficult to compare the open-endedness of “eventually” with the specificity of “five years,” the theme is the same: Journalists of color, painfully rare in many newsrooms and entirely absent at more than half of U.S. daily newspapers, still are at risk in 1991.

“Job-hopping” and career advancement

The “Quiet Crisis” study also examined the question of whether nonwhite journalists were more likely than their white counterparts to be “job-hoppers,” changing newspapers often. Both that study and this one found that minority journalists tend to have worked for the same number of different newspapers as whites.12 As reported in the demographics section earlier, however, because whites tend to be older and farther along in their careers than minorities in U.S. newspapers, journalists of color may yet have more opportunities to “job-hop” before their careers become as settled as those of many older white journalists.

In fact, minority journalists in this sample say they are much more likely than whites to change newspapers in the next five years, as Table 29 illustrates. This finding may be both reassuring and frustrating to newsroom managers. On the one hand, taken in the context of the stated intention of the majority of nonwhite newspaper journalists to remain in the industry, these results about job-hopping can be seen as good news; minority journalists, in time-honored newspaper tradition, aggressively use smaller newspapers as stepping stones to larger ones. That is, journalists of color are not leaving the industry as a whole, even if they are moving on from one newsroom to another.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 29: Journalists’ likelihood of changing newspapers in the next five years, by race, in percentages

Q. Do you think you’ll be working for your current newspaper in 5 years?

Whites Minorities All
Very Likely 22.5 13.5 19.5
Likely 42.1 39.5 41.2
Unlikely 23.7 30.9 26.1
Very Unlikely 11.7 16.1 13.2

Composite responses
Very Likely/Likely 64.6 53.0 60.7
UnlikelyV. Unlikely 35.4 47.0 39.3

N=1322; X2=22.763; d.f.=3; p<.0001; Missing = 6 ________________________________________________________________________ On the other hand, however, this amplified tendency to change newspapers may work against young, entry-level journalists of color. Minority journalists as a group do have some reputation – especially among managers and editors at small and mid-sized papers – of being too hard to hold onto and, thus, almost not worth the effort. One recruiting editor from Indiana probably was voicing the frustration of many like him when he said at a Cincinnati job fair that he had inteviewed several “bright” kids but probably wouldn’t hire any because they were “too good” to work for his paper. “They wouldn’t stay around long,” he said.13 Such frustration – it’s more than resignation when editors won’t even hire young minorities – among newspaper managers is understandable; it is always difficult to watch a larger “fish” cruise into your newsroom and gobble up your best talent. But it always has been thus; for managers to say they don’t want to hire the best talent they can get because they won’t stay is the same as adopting a policy to recruit mediocrity, and no one would admit that. According to this study, journalists of color are more likely to be “job hoppers” than whites, although at this point, whites and nonwhites have worked for essentially the same number of newspapers overall. Nearly half – 46.9 percent – of minority journalists say they’re unlikely or very unlikely to be working for their current papers in five years, compared to 35.4 percent of whites, as Table 29 shows. And this question also points up the existence of a gender gap; women overall are significantly more likely than men to leave their current jobs within the next five years – slightly more than 50 percent of women but just 39 percent of men think they’ll change newspapers soon (see Table 30). For both women and minorities, this finding may be an indication of dissatisfaction with their current positions or ambition to rise quickly in the ranks or both. TABLE 30 TABLE 31 Here Female Asian American journalists are the least satisfied of all groups with their current jobs; 60.6 percent say they are either unlikely or very unlikely to be working in the same place five years from now. Black women (46.3 percent) are the next most likely to change newspapers soon (see Table 30). Men generally are content with the status quo; more than two-thirds of white men, 65 percent of Latino men and 61 percent of African American men say they are likely or very likely to remain at their current jobs. Not surprisingly, anticipated mobility declines as circulation increases; that is, journalists at smaller newspapers are more likely to want to move on than those at larger papers. As Table 31 indicates, however, across all circulation categories, minority journalists are more likely than their white co-workers to think about moving on. A full 76 percent of minority journalists working for newspapers in the 50,000- to 100,000-circulation category say they’ll be leaving in the next five years, but so will about 51 percent of white journalists at the same papers. Even at the largest circulation category, however, minority journalists are still 11 percentage points more likely to change jobs in the next five years. There are a couple of possible explanations for this. As discussed, whites in newspapers are generally older than minority journalists, and so perhaps more entrenched in their communities, mortgages, families and other lifestyle considerations. Further – and perhaps more crucial to journalists of color – white newspaper professionals, especially white males, hold the best jobs in the newsroom. ASNE figures indicate that 85 percent of newsroom managers and executives – city editors and up – are male, 96 percent are white.14 Ambitious minority journalists may see few opportunities or openings available at their current papers, and so seek entry into managerial ranks by jumping ship. Why do they go?

Like that Indiana recruiting editor at the Cincinnati job fair, most managers would hold onto their top staff – white and nonwhite – if they could. But how? Many of the respondents in the 1987 ASNE survey said they’d like to work for a larger newspaper; more than one-third said they wanted eventually to be editor-in-chief.15 There’s little most newspapers can do about helping their employees attain those goals, but others might be more manageable.

For instance, almost a third of all ASNE respondents said money would be the primary reason to quit newspapers, although only 19 percent of minority respondents picked that reason.16 Journalists at only a very few of the largest newspapers in America would say they are satisfied with their salaries. Some comments from the present study may provide insights into a few of the rank-and-file frustrations surrounding money: “The pay is Gawd-awful,” commented a white woman metro reporter in her late 20s. Planning to leave the business in the next five years, she says she wouldn’t want her children to go into newspapers.

A 27-year-old male Latino reporter from Florida writes: “Unless you work your way into a position in the newspaper hierarchy, a majority of your younger years will be spent busting your butt, working long hours for minimal pay and with little or no appreciation. What can compensate for this?”

And an Asian American woman in her early 20s, thinking about hanging up her reporting job at a 75,000-circulation daily in the Southeast after less than three years on the job, has to work a second job to make ends meet. “The blood, sweat and tears shed in this career is nothing in a bank account,” she said.

But there are other reasons than money for journalists to consider leaving the field or changing newspapers. The 1990 AAJA study found lack of career advancement opportunities and a desire for new challenges were the most important reasons for those respondents to consider leaving the profession.17 In the ASNE study, journalists ranked a need for greater professional challenge second overall after money issues among their top reasons for considering leaving the business. Minority respondents, however, ranked professional challenge and opportunity for advancement the top two reasons, with money coming in third.18
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 32: Journalists’ reasons for leaving the newspaper business, by race, in percentages

Q. If you did leave the newspaper business, what would be the single most important factor in your decision?

Whites Minorities All
Financial Reasons 21.6 20.6 21.3
Seek Professional Challenge 31.7 35.5 33.0
Advancement Opportunities 5.7 16.5 9.3
Family Considerations 18.2 11.4 16.0
Other 22.7 16.0 20.5

N=1310; X2=52.202; d.f.=4; p<.0001; Missing = 18 ________________________________________________________________________ In the present study, respondents were asked to choose from among four options as the primary reason they would leave the newspaper business – financial reaons, greater professional challenge, greater opportunity for career advancement and family considerations. Overall, respondents said a desire for greater professional challenge would be the most important factor in their decision to try something new; money was the second most popular choice, with a combination of factors third. There was substantial agreement between whites and nonwhites on the leading reasons to consider leaving the newspaper industry, as Table 32 shows – about one-fifth of both whites and minorities said money and one-third said professional challenge. In the only area of notable disagreement, minority respondents were three times more likely than whites to select opportunity for advancement as a reason to leave the business, and white respondents were more likely to say family considerations might prompt a departure from the newsroom. This finding lends additional support to the premise that journalists of color are more career-oriented and professionally ambitious than their white counterparts. A desire for greater professional challenge is the leading factor for all race/gender subgroups, especially for black women, 45 percent of whom ranked it the most important factor if they were considering leaving the newspaper business (see Table 33). Among men and women overall, there appears to be a gender gap on this question, with men more likely to consider money matters and advancement, and women professional challenge and family. White women in particular leaned most heavily toward those two factors. Many respondents lumped several of the options together under the “other” category. TABLE 33 here Burnout, Disgust & Dissatisfaction

Besides indicating a combination of factors, many of those selecting “other” wrote in open-ended comments what factors are most likely to prompt them to change careers. Several noted that their jobs lacked sufficient autonomy, a job characteristic traditionally important to journalists. Other scrawled notes included: “STRESSSSS!” “Burnout.” “Need to do something ‘deeper.’” “Greater personal fulfillment.” and “Respect. Just some respect.” More than 30 respondents said they planned to go back to school or teach college; 11 complained of repetitive strain injury from constant use of video display terminals.

Others commented on their concerns about the character, direction and future of the newspaper industry, a topic that will receive considerable discussion later. Many criticized their newspaper’s management and corporate bean-counting mentality. “This newspaper is corrupt,” wrote a white male reporter for a Midwestern daily. A white reporter from the Pacific Northwest agreed: “The bottom-line mentality has ruined the business, caused decline in professional ideals,” she said.

A Hispanic male reporter from Texas said he was thinking about leaving because of his “disgust for idiot managers.” It’s a theme repeated by many other respondents, including one who voiced “dismay over the corporatization of the newsroom,” and another who lamented that “industry changes that focus more on money, less on quality,” and yet another who said she was “disgusted with changing priorities in news/advertising relations.”

Some journalists of color commented on how race worked against them in the industry. “I’m tired of fighting the same battles over and over,” wrote a black male Knight Ridder reporter in his 40s. A younger Hispanic reporter from the Southwest said he might leave because he was tired of “being hindered by the glass ceiling that many journalists of color run into.”

“Dissatisfaction with the way newspapers are going,” wrote a white female copy editor from the Midwest. “Too much emphasis on graphics, happy talk – emphasis on the story has been lost.” A white male reporter from California expanded that theme to address the question of newspapers’ mission and role in society: “I don’t expect to leave newspapers,” he wrote, “but if I did, it would be for a career that offered a greater opportunity to improve society. Right now, journalism seems to offer the best chance for changing the world.” But a reporter on the opposite coast disagreed: “I’m no longer able to serve the profession and society as desired.”

A white male reporter for a major metro California daily wrote, “I’d like to do more satisfying reporting that addresses the needs of my community instead of my paper’s marketing goals.”
Finally, two white female metro reporters, one from the South and one from California, sounded doleful notes. “They’ve made it less fun,” wrote the Southerner, who, after nearly 20 years in the business, said she was unlikely to be around in five more years. “They’ve just worn me down.” The Californian, in her late 20s and seventh year in the business, said, “This is one miserable career.”

Switching Papers

Another question sought information about why journalists might choose to change papers. Although it is a factor, money does not appear to be the primary motivation for most moves within the industry (see Table 34). As in the previous question about leaving the business, opportunities for career advancement clearly are more important to minority journalists than to their white counterparts.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 34: Journalists’ reasons for changing newspapers, by race, in percentages

Q. If you go to another paper, what do you think will be the primary reason?

Whites Minorities All
More Advancement Opportunities 31.5 49.3 37.6
Better Editorial Product 20.4 15.6 18.7
Larger Community 2.6 4.1 3.1
Smaller Community 3.1 2.8 3.0
More Money 17.9 13.1 16.2
Other* 24.5 15.1 21.3

N=1270; X2=45.449; d.f.=5; p<.0001; Missing=58 * Other category = combination of factors ________________________________________________________________________ Both white and nonwhite respondents listed career advancement as their primary motivation in changing newspapers, but a much larger proportion of minority journalists selected this option, perhaps further evidence that journalists of color are more driven than whites in the newsroom. In the AAJA study, Asian American respondents listed advancement opportunities, professional challenges, career opportunities and collisions with management as their top four reasons for leaving journalism.19 The 1985 IJE study found minorities about twice as interested as whites in climbing the management ranks.20 And the 1987 ASNE survey found minorities twice as likely as whites to list publisher as the job to which they ultimately aspired.21 These results tend to support those earlier contentions that minority journalists are more ambitious than whites. Although all race/gender subgroups selected advancement opportunity as their primary reason for changing newspapers, as Table 35 shows, nearly 18 percent more minority respondents than whites selected this option. Indeed, half or more than half of all Hispanics and all African Americans said career advancement would be their primary reason for changing newspapers, compared to 32 percent of both white men and women. Among whites and especially Asian Americans, the quality of the editorial product – a better newspaper – was the second most popular reason for changing papers. Another look at those responses broken down across circulation categories indicates that minority journalists do not lose sight of their ambitions as they move into larger newspapers (see Table 36). Note that especially in the two largest newspaper categories, minority journalists are much more likely than their white counterparts to list career advancement as their primary concern. In all four circulation categories, white respondents appear slightly more conscious than nonwhites of product quality – “better” newspapers. Money, a perennial concern at smaller newspapers, declines in relative importance as circulation increases. Job Aspirations

In its 1987 study, ASNE found that about 35 percent of both white and nonwhite respondents aspired to editor; about one-third of both groups also aspired to middle management, about 30 percent to 33 percent. A considerable difference in ambition by race showed up at publisher, however; 8 percent of white respondents said they hoped to become publisher, compared to 19 percent of all minorities and 23 percent of blacks.22 These results underscored the findings of the IJE “Quiet Crisis” study, which showed minorities as much more interested in attaining management positions than whites.23

TABLES 35 & 36 here

This study sought to clarify these issues and asked respondents what newspaper position they hoped ultimately to attain. The eight options ranged from standing pat – “I’d be happy with my current position” – to “Own my own newspaper.” Although the options of editor, publisher or owning a newspaper attracted relatively few respondents individually, the combined Owner-Publisher-Editor response drew nearly a quarter of minority journalists, compared to 17 percent of whites.

As shown in Table 37, almost 30 percent of white respondents say they would be happy to “stand pat” in their current positions, followed by 21 percent who aspire to middle management positions – city editor, section editor, department supervisor. If whites tend to hold most of the power positions in the newsroom, it is not surprising that so many of them say they’re content to stay where they are. Besides owning, editing and publishing their own papers, minorities as a whole said they wanted better beats (19.4 percent) and jobs in mid-level management (18.9 percent).

The contention that minority journalists aspire to higher positions in the newsroom and in newspaper management than whites receives even more support in Table 38, which reports the responses on this question by race and gender. Black men express the greatest ambition to the highest levels in newspaper management; nearly a quarter say they want the top editing job, twice the percentage of white men. More than 37 percent of black men elect the owner-editor-publisher composite, compared to less than 20 percent of white, Hispanic and Asian men. Among women, blacks also are most ambitious; more black women say they want to be managing editors than any other subgroup, and almost 22 percent say they want one day to own, publish or edit a newspaper.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 37: Journalists’ professional ambitions, by race, in percentages

Q. What newspaper position do you want ultimately to attain?

Whites Minorities All
Happy with my current job 29.2 11.2 23.3
A Beat Better 10.8 19.4 13.7
My Own Newspaper 3.8 5.7 4.4
Publisher 2.2 5.7 3.4
Editor 11.0 13.2 11.7
Managing Editor 9.4 12.8 10.5
Middle Management 21.0 18.9 20.3
Other* 12.7 13.0 12.8

N=1311; X2=75.127; d.f.=7; p<.0001; Missing = 17 * Other category includes 58 respondents (4.4%) who want to be columnists, 33 (2.5%) who want special projects, and a variety aspiring to other tasks, including graphics/photo positions, various non-news positions. ________________________________________________________________________ The most popular choice for white men and white women is to “stand pat” in their current positions, while the first choice for Latino and Asian women was a better beat – climbing the ladder – and for Asian and Latino men, mid-level management. The fact that so many white journalists generally are content with the status quo is doubtless a function of who holds the power in newsrooms today. The results reported in Table 38 indicate that career longevity may be a component of ambition; white journalists overall have less to strive for if they already hold most of the power positions. Not surprising, then, that whites say they’re happy where they are. Since minority journalists as a whole are younger (see Tables 6 and 7) and thus occupy lower rungs of the newsroom ladder, it is natural that they should aspire to step up. Table 38 here There seem to be two “safe” responses to this question for journalists who do not see themselves on the fast track. For women of color, the “better beat” response is popular, while Asian and Latino men and white women come down heavily for positions in middle management. One might speculate that these two categories are “safe” because they are reasonably attainable and represent not too much of a stretch from these respondents’ current positions. Anyone might reasonably expect a better beat, and middle management is a modest goal for anyone with ambitions beyond the rank-and-file. In an organizational structure in which there are certain accepted, if entirely unspoken, patterns of achievement and expectation for different kinds of people, the career aspirations of the “haves” and the “have-nots” might well reflect those unspoken realities. At one obvious level, the “haves” are the white journalists, who are content with the jobs they have; white women, however, perhaps don’t expect to be allowed to climb as high as white men, so they shoot for mid-level management. Generally, another have/have-not dichotomy exists along gender lines; women’s expressed aspirations are not as great as those of men, regardless of race. At another level, blacks feel themselves empowered enough to aspire to greater heights than other journalists of color, black men to the very highest newspaper management, black women to upper management and managing editor. In this stratified newsroom caste system, those with the most modest professional ambitions – Latino and Asian American women – are the have-nots at the lowest rungs of the ladder, with the fewest role models above them to seek to emulate. TABLE 39 here Interestingly, a larger percentage of minority journalists at smaller newspapers have higher aspirations than at larger newspapers, perhaps a function of naivete or inexperience. As Table 40 indicates, nearly 35 percent of minority journalists at papers in the smallest circulation category say they hope to own a newspaper or become publisher or editor; 23.6 percent of minority journalists at the largest newspapers in the sample share that career goal. The percentage of white journalists who say they want to own, publish or edit a newspaper ranges from 14.7 percent at the 100,000-250,000 circulation level to 21.1 percent at the largest papers in the sample. This is still a respectable proportion of white journalists with high aspirations, but smaller than the proportion of minorities with the same goals at all circulation levels. Note that whites at all circulation levels are most likely to say they are happy with their current positions, with mid-level management positions their next most popular ambition. At the top two circulation categories, minority respondents are most likely to say they want better beats – usually described as special projects or specialized reporting assignments – with middle management the leading goal at the two smaller circulation categories. More than a third of those respondents listing “other” as a choice indicated they wanted to be columnists; another fifth of the “other” respondents said they wanted to work on special projects and investigative teams. Chances of getting ahead

As some obscure bard once said, “Wantin’ ain’t gettin’.” Asked how they would assess their chances of getting the jobs they want, more than two-thirds of whites but less than half of minorities say they think their chances are excellent or good, as Table 40 shows. Almost 19 percent of minority respondents say their chances of getting where they want to go are poor. Journalists of color may be more ambitious than their white co-workers, but they are much less optimistic about succeeding, a finding with clear implications for their job and career satisfaction and, ultimately, for their longevity in the profession. Note in Table 40 that white journalists are twice as likely as minorities to see their chances of success as excellent, and minorities are twice as likely to see their chances as poor. In the composite responses, about 70 percent of whites said their chances of getting what they want in the industry are excellent or good, compared to about 45 percent of minorities who see their chances as fair or poor.
________________________________________________________________________
TABLE 40: Journalists’ confidence about attaining career goals, by race, in percentages

Q. How would you assess your chances of attaining that position?

Whites Minorities All
Excellent 30.4 15.6 25.4
Good 39.3 39.6 39.4
Fair 20.9 26.1 22.7
Poor 9.4 18.7 12.6

Composite responses
Excellent/Good 69.7 55.2 64.8
Fair/Poor 30.3 44.8 35.2

N=1234; X2=46.51; d.f.=3; p<.0001; Missing=104 ________________________________________________________________________ Factoring in gender and breaking down responses by individual ethnic minority group shows that women are more optimistic overall than men, as Table 41 shows, and minority men are most pessimistic of all. Women, overall, are more optimistic about attaining their career goals than men: 64.5 percent of women and 55.6 percent of men say their chances are excellent or good. This is about the same size gap as that separating men’s and women’s aspirations to own, publish or edit their own newspapers; 15.3 percent of all women want the very top job compared to 25.5 percent of all men as Table 39 shows. One way to read this discrepancy in career optimism between men and women is to suggest that women are less ambitious or, alternatively, more realistic than men in their ultimate career expectations. Women, especially white women, are more optimistic, but also set their sights lower. Adding ethnicity to the gender variable results in a picture of minority men generally much less optimistic about attaining their career aspirations than minority women. Least optimistic are Latino men; although 39 percent say their chances of getting the jobs they want are good, more than half see their chances as only fair or poor, and only 9.7 percent say their prospects are excellent, the lowest excellent rating for any group. Black men and women more or less agree: about 55 percent of both groups rate their chances as excellent or good, although more African American menthan women rate their chances of attaining the positions they want as excellent. Black women are less optimistic at the other end of the scale as well, 23.6 percent saying their chances of getting where they want to go are poor, the highest poor rating of any group. About three of five Asian and Latino women see their chances of success as good to excellent, about the same as the rating for women overall. TABLE 41 & TABLE 42 here White women are the most confident of all race/gender subgroups, 76.7 percent saying they have excellent or good chances of attaining their ultimate career goals. More white women than any other subgroup also rated their prospects as excellent, 31.1 percent. Again, it is unclear whether this finding is an artifact of true confidence among white women in their ability to advance, or more likely due to a combination of realistic (and lower) expectations combined with a high level of satisfaction with their current positions. Not surprisingly, white males also express high confidence levels, 65.8 percent seeing their chances of attaining the goals they set as excellent or good; nearly 30 percent say their prospects for success are excellent. Since almost one-third of white men also say they’re happy with their current jobs (see Table 39), it’s easy to see how they might be confident of attaining the positions they want. Overall optimism declines somewhat as circulation size increases, as indicated in Table 42. Three-quarters of white respondents at the 50,000- to 100,000-circulation level rate their chances of attaining ultimate career goals as excellent or good, but that confidence declines to 67.9 percent among whites working for the largest papers in the sample. Minority confidence also declines by almost exactly the same percentage, from 58.7 percent at the smallest newspapers to 51.7 percent at the largest. Note the percentages of minority respondents who assess their prospects of attaining their ultimate career objectives as poor, more than twice as likely as whites. Whites are much more optimistic of attaining their career goals and much more likely of describing their chances of success as excellent. Another reason why minority journalists of color are more likely than white journalists to change newspapers within the next few years is that many more minorities think they won’t get a shot at that job at their current papers. More than 65 percent of minority journalists, but 49 percent of whites, think they’ll have to change newspapers to attain the positions they want. A positive response to this question may be interpreted in a couple of ways. On the one hand, journalists may look around them and see that the person sitting at the desk they covet is relatively young, healthy and has all his or her teeth. Further, there may be others in the newsroom who also want that position, and journalists – traditionally well attuned to politics – can make assessments of their chances of getting the job they want at their current papers based on their own observations. If they want that kind of job, they may conclude, it will have to be at another newspaper. As a sidebar to this reasoning, many newspapers tend to prefer candidates from outside to fill important vacancies. Another line of reasoning is the “the grass is always greener” mentality, particularly seductive to disgruntled staffers. It runs this way: “I hate it here. That guy is never going to die. Things have got to be better somewhere – anywhere – else.” Either or both of these arguments may be behind the journalist’s decision that his or her best and quickest avenue to success lies in another newsroom. Clearly, journalists of color see mobility as a way around the glass ceiling in their current newsrooms. Almost 66 percent of minority journalists think they won’t get where they want to go at their current papers and will have to seek the position elsewhere; 48.9 percent of white respondents think so. Returning for a moment to the question of the relative ages of different demographic groups in the newsroom (see Tables 6 and 7), it may be that whites are less likely to leave their papers in pursuit of the jobs they want for two very different reasons. Aside from the fact that white journalists, especially white men, already hold the jobs they want, whites overall are older and thus more entrenched and invested in both their current papers and their communities. TABLE 43 here Predictably, a combination of race and gender also affects perceptions of the most likely avenues for success. Men, more ambitious overall than women (see Table 39) but less confident about their chances of attaining their goals (see Table 41), also are more likely to believe they’ll have to change newspapers to get where they want to go. Confidence about attaining career objectives may be described as a function of several factors: personal ambition, current level of advancement, individual experience and talent, job availability and environmental conditions at individual newspapers. For journalists of color, race acts to lower expectations of success and raise the expectation that the job desired is unattainable without changing newspapers. As in earlier examples, the combination of gender and race results in minority men being less confident of advancement at their current newspapers and more likely to think they’ll have to leave to get ahead, as Table 43 shows. Of all the gender/race subgroups in the newsroom, only white women think they can attain their career goals at their current newspapers; white men are about evenly split, indicating confidence in their ability to get the professional advancement they desire without uprooting themselves and their families. Just as their confidence in their job prospects overall are low (see Table 41), Latino and Hispanic men are most convinced they’ll have to change newspapers to get where they want to go; as Table 43 indicates, three-quarters of Latino men think they’ll have to move to get ahead, as do more than half of Latino women. Overall, three of every five journalists of color see themselves thwarted in their career development at their current papers and think they’ll have to change employers to advance their careers. This holds especially true at smaller newspapers, where 86.7 percent of minorities think they’ll have to change papers to advance, compared to 54.5 percent of whites, as Table 44 indicates. Overall, regardless of the size of their current newspaper, journalists of color are more ambitious than their white co-workers but more convinced that they will be unable to pursue their career aspirations without changing newspapers. Taken as a whole, these results support the conclusion that journalists of color may be less accepting than their white co-workers of promises of future advancement and quicker to seek alternative avenues around perceived or real roadblocks to their career growth. Minority journalists place career advancement and professional challenge higher on their lists of professional priorities than do white journalists in this sample. Like their white counterparts, they are committed to the profession, but some journalists of color – particularly women, who combat both racism and sexism – are in particular danger of abandoning the business. Minorities overall have set their career sights higher than have whites, but they are much less confident than whites that they will attain the positions to which they aspire. Their best chance for success, minority journalists say, and the quickest path up the career ladder is at other newspapers. TABLE 44 here
• • •

NOTES: CHAPTER 6 – Job Satisfaction Issues in the Newsroom

1. Linda Grist Cunningham, in American Society of Newspaper Editors, The Changing Face of the Newsroom. (Reston, VA: American Society of Newspaper Editors, 1987), p. 8.
2. Ibid., p. 13.
3. Ibid., pp. 21, 108-109.
4. John Madison, “Race Relations,” National Public Radio, a four-part series broadcast on “All Things Considered” in January 31-February 4, 1991.
5. Changing Face of the Newsroom, op. cit., p. 110.
6. California Chicano News Media Association and the Center for the Integration and Improvement of Journalism, “Latinos in California’s News Media: A status report,” presented to the CCNMA state conference, September 21, 1990, p. 9.
7. Ellis Cose, The Quiet Crisis: Minority Journalists and Newsroom Opportunity. (Berkeley, Calif.: Institute for Journalism Education, 1985), pp. i, 6.
8. Alexis S. Tan, “Why Asian American Journalists Leave Journalism and Why They Stay,” commissioned by the Asian American Journalists Association, presented to the AAJA national convention, August 23, 1990, New York., p. 6
9. “Latinos in California’s News Media: A status report,” op. cit., p. 9.
10. Changing Face of the Newsroom, op. cit., pp. 114, 115.
11. Cose, op. cit., p. 16.
12. Ibid., p. 1.
13. J. Frazier Smith, “Latest twist on minorities front: They’re ‘too good’ to work at my paper,” ASNE Bulletin, February 1988, p. 30.
14. Changing Face of the Newsroom, op. cit., p. 17.
15. Ibid., p. 115.
16. Ibid.
17. Tan, op. cit., p. 11.
18. Changing Face of the Newsroom, op. cit., p. 115.
19. Tan, op. cit., p. 11, Table 2.
20. Cose, op. cit., pp. 1, 15.
21. Changing Face of the Newsroom, op. cit., p. 115.
22. Ibid.
23. Cose, op. cit., pp. 3-4.
Chapter 7.